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Monday, November 5, 2012

Poor Latin Americans in the Post Colonial Era

At the same time, those personnels accept that they would have to allow the pitiful indigenous masses almost measure of freedom much than they had experienced under colonialism. The terminal of colonialism was in part a result of the unrest of those masses, and such(prenominal) unrest would boil over if the postcolonial elites clamped down besides tightly:

One social result of this contradiction was . . . that after Spanish rule the . . . Latin American republics could look rather more like militarized haciendas, pt landed estates, than liberal societies (Thurner 4).

The poor in the Andean lands, then, were at first excluded from the center of power socially and governmentally, rather than absorbed in any meaning(prenominal) way. When their anger boi guide over, it was tramp down with force, but in many cases, as in Venezuela and Colombia, such squashing of popular revolts led to associations which included the masses in some way, however minimal. Simon Bolivar "put down the popular uprisings" and then "wisely struck an adhesion with 'the hordes'" (Thurner 4). Still, the masses were marginalized, in Thurner's view, far more than included: "Their incertain predicament vis-a-vis the Peruvian nation-state was to be separate in their integration, outside in their belonging" (Thurner 19).

Chasteen describes how the desire of the elites to correct the colonial wrongs did not find fulfillment primarily because the old remains and its failings carried over into postcolonial realities and relationships. He writes t


The come to of those in power in postcolonial reality, then, was the same concern of the colonialists themselves--how to gravel in power. The intentions of the postcolonial government and elites may have been the best in the world, but the structure and economy of the postcolonial world were simply too fragile to put the needs of the poor people at the top of any list of realistic priorities.
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As a result, Chasteen argues, the hopes of the poor for postcolonial freedom and opportunity, for economic and sociopolitical integration, were dashed.

These moments of crisis . . . afford us glimpses into the political imaginings of Andean peasant-soldiers, who redefined themselves as political subjects entitled to justice, respect, and protection at heart their own societies (Larson 688).

Safford, Frank. "Race, Integration, and Progress." Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 71, No. 1 (Feb. 1991), 1-33.

It is telling that the colonialists may have given up their possessions, trance the economic system which emerged continued to be European and thusly ill-suited to help the poor masses. It is also telling that the best the elites could do for the poor was to hope that they disappeared through miscegenation. And even such a scenario would be unlikely to help most of the mixed family offspring of such unions.

By midcentury, genetic integration, the "disappearance" of the Indian through miscegenation, whether with whites or with blacks, seemed to some elite writers


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